Pre- AD 196
Occurrence of the Christmas Date?
December 25th
and the Epistle of Theophilus
Kurt M. Simmons
__________________
Following these comments is a translation
of what is sometimes referred to as the Epistle of
Theophilus, but more properly known as the Council of
Caesarea Concerning the Pascha, or the Acta Synodi
for short. The tract is,
or purports to be, an account of the Council of Caesarea about
AD 196 to establish a uniform rule for the observance of the
Christian Pascha (“Passover”), commonly known in the
English-speaking world as “Easter.”[1]
The document exists in no less than 36 manuscripts and four
recensions.[2]
The two main versions are Recension A (long version), published
by Baluze in 1683, and Recension B (short version), published by
Bronkhurst in 1537. Recension A contains reference to the
Christmas date. This reference, if authentic, bears witness to
celebration of Christ’s birth December 25th prior to
AD 196, making it arguably the earliest witness we possess.[3]
The document in all its versions is widely
regarded as an “Irish Forgery,” written about AD 600 in defense
of Irish customs regarding the proper limits for observing
Easter, finally resolved by the Council of Whitby AD 663.[4]
Recension A refers to Eusebius and therefore cannot, at least in
that part, be earlier than the fourth century or purport to be
from the hand of Theophilus. Recension B does not include
reference to Eusebius or the Christmas date; it is also the more
widely attested. It is unclear which recension has the better
claim to priority. On the one hand, it is difficult to imagine
why an editor would add information naming Eusebius. On the
other hand, if someone wanted to create the impression the
document originated with Theophilus, as was believed by Bede and
many others,[5]
it is easy to see why someone might remove it. Likewise with the
Christmas date: since it is mentioned only incidentally in
passing and defending the date is not part of the epistle’s
purpose, it is difficult to see why an editor would add it. On
the other hand, it is not difficult to see why it might be
removed.
The Pascha followed the full moon and occurred at
different times from year to year, moving back and forth within
a 30-day window governed by the length of the lunar cycle. This
made calculating and projecting when Easter Sunday would occur
very difficult. Easter computists labored for centuries
attempting to find the best cycle to accurately predict the date
decades in advance so that all churches world-wide might observe
it the same day.[6]
The difficulty involved with Easter computus doubtless made
celebrating the Pascha on a fixed day in the solar
calendar March 25th very attractive, and was the
practice adopted by the Gauls. Moreover, to follow the moon
seemed to them “Jewish.” That they could appeal to the fixed
date of the Nativity December 25th would have tended
to confirm the propriety of celebrating the Resurrection on a
fixed day each year. Afterall, all dates in the Jewish lunar
calendar change from year to year vis-à-vis the solar calendar,
including the day of Jesus’ birth. In 2 BC when Jesus was most
likely born,[7]
December 25th in the Julian calendar answered to
Tevet 28 in the Jewish calendar; if December 25th was
Jesus’ birthday in the Julian calendar, Tevet 28 was Jesus’
birthdate in the Jewish. The next year, 1 BC, had a leap year
with thirteen months or 384 days in the Jewish system.[8]
This extra thirty days pushed Tevet 28 over into the following
Julian year, corresponding to January 13th, AD 1 (e.g.,
there was no Tevet 28 in 1 BC). In AD 2, it fell back to January
1st;[9]
in AD 3 (another leap year), it leapt ahead to January 20th,
and so forth.[10]
This gives a sense of the complexity of correlating dates in a
lunar calendar. If, rather than commemorating the Nativity on
its day in the Jewish calendar, it could be fixed to a single
date in the solar calendar, why not also the Pascha?[11]
Arguments such as these may have prompted removing reference to
December 25th, lest the simplicity and precedent of
the fixed date for the one dissuade men from adopting the
difficult, moveable date for the other. However, in the final
analysis which recension is the original is not a deciding
factor regarding the historical accuracy of the Christmas date.
Indeed, for present purposes, even if we assume that the
reference to Christmas is not original, this will not affect the
question of its veracity, which is separate from the question of
its originality.
Other than the opening paragraph, which provides the historical
background leading to the Council, the document is written as a
dialogue between Theophilus and the bishops of the Council. As a
literary form, dialogue is an exposition by means of invented
conversation, often consisting of contrasting or conflicting
points of view. Perhaps the best-known examples of this literary
form are the dialogues of Plato, in which he uses fictitious
conversations between Socrates and other characters as a
teaching device to advance his thesis. Just as the dialogues of
Plato possess a quality that allow us to recognize we are
dealing with a literary genre and not a deliberate deceit, the
same seems true here. The exchange between Theophilus and the
bishops is completely artificial; no reasonable person would
argue that the Council transpired in the manner in which it is
presented or that we have here the actual words of those that
attended. The artificial quality of the dialogue cannot have
been an accident: the author almost certainly intended that his
piece be understood as an invention and not a verbatim account
of the synod. This is particularly true in light of the
reference to Eusebius, which openly dates the document to
subsequent centuries. If so, it would be inaccurate to style the
piece a “forgery,” which implies an intentional deceit. Rather,
the piece is better understood as an exposition in which
Theophilus and the bishops serve as literary props and
characters used to investigate the typological corollaries of
creation and redemption, and the proper limits of Easter.
In addition to the artificial nature of the dialogue is the
tell-tale manner the rule itself is worked out. The bishops
derive the limits for Easter more from the asserted facts and
times of creation than the law of Moses or the actual
historical circumstances surrounding the crucifixion and
resurrection of Christ. No attempt is made to identify when
Jesus’ ministry began, how long it lasted, or when it ended
based upon available evidence in the Gospels and other
historical sources. Rather, creation week is seen as a prophetic
type of God’s work of redemption, allowing the assumed facts of
the one to establish and confirm those of the other. Because
creation allegedly occurred on Sunday, March 25th, at
the full moon of the vernal equinox, the resurrection
purportedly occurred at that date and time as well: end of
inquiry.
Placing the resurrection on March 25th, AD 31,
indicates that the so-called “short chronology” was followed.
The short chronology is based on a misreading of the synoptic
Gospels and assumes Jesus’ ministry lasted only one year and
several months, beginning late AD 29 and ending at Passover AD
31, in which year Nisan/Luna 17 fell on Sunday, March 25th,
in the Julian calendar.[12]
March 25th
had historically been associated with the equinox among the
Romans. However, due to an error of the Julian calendar, the
equinox in the time of Christ occurred two or more days before
March 25th.[13]
Thus, even if it is assumed Jesus rose on March 25th,
it would not have been the equinox. Passover was observed at the
full moon on or first after the vernal equinox. Since the vernal
equinox marks the beginning of spring, for the resurrection to
occur on the equinox the third day following Passover would have
required Jesus keep Passover in the closing days of winter
preceding spring contrary to the law (Ex. 12:2-28). Finally,
John’s Gospel shows that Jesus’ ministry spanned four Passovers
in 3 ½ years, from autumn AD 29 to Spring AD 33.[14]
This was also the opinion of Eusebius who states Jesus’ ministry
was completed in the space of just less than four years[15]
and may provide another reason reference to Eusebius was
removed: he contradicts the short chronology upon which the
Acta Synodi is based. However, this much is clear: Jesus did
not die or rise again March 25th, AD 31. The tract’s
appeal to creation typology was almost certainly intended to
prop up the short chronology, which is itself short on facts.
Unfortunately, these points were not always understood in early
times and March 25th acquired almost canonical status
as the date of the resurrection or crucifixion. Part of the
attraction of this date, despite having virtually no historical
basis, is the perfect symmetry attained when combined with the
December 25th Nativity. March 25th is nine
months before December 25th thereby producing the
triad of 3/25 – 12/25 – 3/25 for the Conception, Nativity, and
Resurrection or Crucifixion of Christ.[16]
Belief John the Baptist was conceived on or about the Day of
Atonement near the autumnal equinox meant that Jesus would have
been conceived about six months later near the vernal equinox
and Passover. The earliest trend among commentators was to place
the Annunciation on or about the day of Passover, as we see for
example in Hippolytus,[17]
Ephrem Syrus,[18]
and others. Occasionally, Passover might fall on March 25th,
but this would have been very rare and happened only once in
Jesus’ life in AD 12.[19]
Theologically committed to Passover as the date of the
Annunciation, commentators were slow to adopt March 25th
instead. However, eventually the perfect symmetry of the dates
3/25 – 12/25 – 3/25 won popular imagination and carried the day.[20]
The attempt to force dates into perfect symmetrical patterns and
typological constructs continued into the Middle Ages and left a
lasting mark in the ecclesiastical calendar of the Catholic
church which retains many of these dates even today.[21]
The report that the Gauls observed March 25th as the
Resurrection and December 25th for the Nativity
reflects the beginning of the process we have just described.
The question before us is whether the report that believers in
Gaul observed Christmas December 25th prior to AD 196
is entitled to credit? Here, it must be noted that virtually
every other fact provided in the history leading up to the
Council is unquestionably true. That there was a great diversity
of practices commemorating the Passion and Resurrection is
admitted by all. That the Gauls observed the Pascha
annually on March 25th is admitted and documented by
Bainton.[22]
That believers in Asia Minor kept the 14th of the
moon with the Jews is also well known. That Victor called for a
council and entrusted it to Theophilus is not in dispute.[23]
Only the report that the Gauls celebrated the Nativity December
25th is open to objection, and this only upon the
basis of the Chronograph of 354 and the History of
Religions Theory, which argues Christmas was adopted sometime
after AD 274 making the claim here too early.[24]
However, as the Chronograph of 354 does not support the
claims made for it, and as the Christmas date occurs
about 30 years after the Council of Caesarea and perhaps 50
years or more before that Council, we will conclude that the
Chronograph of 354 offers no objection to the historicity of
the Acta Synodi account.
Chronograph of 354 and the History of Religions Theory
The main theory in academic circles for the origin of the
Christmas date is the “History of Religions Theory.” This theory
has it that the Christmas date was surreptitiously appropriated
by church officials in the middle of the fourth century to
“Christianize” the pagan winter solstice or, more specifically,
the festival Sol Invictus. The basis for this charge is
the Chronograph of 354, an illuminated codex manuscript
commissioned by a wealthy Roman senator named Valentinus. The
codex is divided into seventeen sections, including a calendar
(sect. VI), Paschal tables for the years AD 312-411 (sect. IX),
a section entitled Depositio episcoporum (“Burial of
bishops”) (sect. XI), and a section named Depositio martirum
(“Burial of martyrs”) (sect. XII). The Depositio episcoporum
consists of a short list containing the date, name, and place of
burial of Roman bishops set in calendrical order from December
25th to December 24th.[25]
The Depositio martirum consists of a similar list
denoting the date and location of the burial of martyrs. Like
the Depostitio episcoporum, this section is arranged
beginning with December 25th and the birth of Christ:[26]
Here is the notation for
the date of Christ’s birth:
VIII kal. Ian. Natus Christus in Betleem Judeae
It is generally agreed that the
Depositio episcoporum
originally dates to AD 336 but was updated to AD 354 for
inclusion in the codex by adding the deaths of the two most
recent bishops.[27]
Because it is arranged from December 25th to December
24th, it is apparent that the Nativity of Christ
marked the beginning of the ecclesiastical year in Rome at least
as early as AD 336. The calendar in section VI for the same date
(VIII kal. Ian.) has the following abbreviated entry:
N INVICTI CM XXX.
·
N = Natalis (“birthday/nativity”).
·
INVICTI = “Of the Unconquered one.”
·
CM = Circenses Missus (“games ordered”).
·
XXX = 30.
Thus, for the birthday of the “unconquered one” that year,
thirty games were ordered. It is widely believed that this is in
reference to quadrennial games instituted in AD 274 by the
emperor Aurelian who worshipped the Unconquered Sun (Sol
Invictus).[28]
On the strength of the shared date of December 25th,
it is inferred by advocates of the History of Religions Theory
that Christians surreptitiously appropriated the date for
Christ’s birthday to offset this allegedly popular pagan
holiday. However, the basic assumption underlying this argument
is without support; viz., the games mentioned in the
Chronograph of 354 celebrated December 25th are
probably not those instituted by Aurelian.
Roman tradition records worship of Sol from as early as the
Sabine kings. Ritual calendars posted in Rome after adoption of
the Julian calendar denote public sacrifices to Sol on August 8th,
9th, 28th, and December 11th.
Of these, only August 28th still appears in the
calendar of 354.[29]
Two additional places in the Chronograph also denote
games held in honor of Sol: October 19-22 and December 25th.[30]
However, the games held December 25th are clearly
differentiated by Julius the Apostate (AD 361-363) in his
oration to Sol from the quadrennial games instituted by
Aurelian. Hijmans notes:
For festivals of Sol there are three key passages in that hymn:
1. near the beginning, in c. 3 he exhorts his reader to
celebrate the annual festival of Sol
2. in c. 41, he draws a contrast between the quadrennial games
for Sol (τετραετηρικοὺς
α̍γω̂νας)
which he characterizes as relatively new, and this annual
festival which he ascribes to Numa.
3. in c. 42-3, lastly, he states that this annual festival in
honour of the rebirth of the sun
Clearly Julian is speaking of two different festivals to Sol,
the one purportedly old, annual, and celebrated after the
Saturnalia and before the new year; the other instituted fairly
recently and celebrated every four years.[31]
But if the annual celebration was held December 25th
following the solstice,[32]
then the quadrennial games must belong to some other
date. Since that leaves only the games held October 19-22, it is
obviously these Aurelian instituted, not those of December 25th.
Julian’s claim that the annual festival held December 25th
dates back to Numa is dismissed by Hijmans as a piece of fiction
intended to give an ancient provenance to what was apparently a
relatively new festival. In his words, “the notion that
Mithraists celebrated December 25th in some fashion
is a modern invention for which there simply is no evidence.”[33]
Indeed, Hijmans even goes so far as to speculate that December
25th was adopted by pagan authorities in response to
Christian celebration of Christ’s birth that date.[34]
The upshot is that, although there is evidence for the Christmas
date in Rome as early as AD 336, there is no evidence of
a festival to Sol December 25th earlier than the
Chronograph of 354. According to Hijmans:
As the Christian celebration of Christmas on December 25th
can be attested in Rome by AD 336, at which point it may already
have been well-established, and the celebration of Sol on that
day cannot be attested before AD 354/362 and had not yet entered
the calendar in the late 320s, it is impossible to postulate
that Christmas arose in reaction to some solar festival. There
is quite simply not one iota of explicit evidence for a major
festival of Sol on December 25th prior to the
establishment of Christmas, nor is there any circumstantial
evidence that there was likely to have been one.[35]
In other words, the debate ultimately turns upon a question of
chronological priority, whether Christians or pagans celebrated
December 25th first. On the strength of the
Chronograph of 354, it turns out that the evidence weighs
completely in favor of Christians
⸺exactly
the opposite of what we have been told for almost one hundred
fifty years.
And as the Chronograph of 354 is the sole basis for the
charge that Christians adopted December 25th in
response to Aurelian’s quadrennial games, the History of
Religions Theory obviously must be dismissed as a viable
explanation for the origin of the Christmas date.
This brings us back to the Acta Synodi and the assertion
that the Gauls celebrated the Nativity December 25th.
Since the Chronograph of 354 speaks only to the fact
of the Christmas date not when or how it first entered the
church, it cannot serve to reject or impugn the Acta Synodi.
The only remaining basis to discredit the Acta Synodi is
the questionable nature of the document itself. However, this
offers small refuge: the questionable nature of the Acta
Synodi does not negate the historical facts recited in its
opening paragraph. As we have seen, virtually every other fact
mentioned leading up to the Council is admittedly true. If every
other fact is accurate, what basis do we have to reject its
assertions about Christmas? The History of Religions Theory has
been dispelled; what else is there? I know not any. Moreover, it
does not logically follow that because mention of the Christmas
date in the longer Recension A maybe the addition of a later
hand that it is therefore false or historically inaccurate.
Since the document itself is not from the hand of Theophilus, it
is of little consequence whether the assertions about Christmas
were part of the original; either way it does not date from AD
196. The question is whether the information is accurate,
not when or how it found its way into the record. Occurrence of
the Christmas date in other period documents suggest that it is,
in fact, both accurate and reliable.
Initially, it should be noted that the Protevangelium Jacobi,
which settled into its present form about AD 170,[36]
assumes the winter birth of Christ by virtue of the fact that
Zachariah, the father of John the Baptist, was widely understood
by the ancients to have been serving the week of Tishri 10 on
the Day of Atonement.[37]
Since John was about six months older than Jesus,[38]
the latter would have been conceived per the story about the
time of Passover and been born nine months later around the
traditional date of December 25th. Thus, even in the
form we presently possess it, the Protevangelium
testifies that the traditional, early winter birth of Christ was
extant in the church by AD 170 – twenty or more years before the
Council of Caesarea.[39]
However, there is evidence in Nicephorus Callistus and Julius
Africanus that early versions of the Protevangelium
expressly dated the Nativity to December 25th.
The Ecclesiastical History of Nicephorus
records a fragment attributed to Evodius, a successor of the
apostles and reputed martyr under Nero, in which the
Protevangelium Jacobi figures prominently. Although it may
be doubted whether Evodius is the actual author, it seems
equally certain the fragment cited is very early. As already
noted, the Protevangelium Jacobi is generally dated to
the mid- to late- second century, perhaps AD 170. The fragment
preserved here by Nicephorus, however, differs in various
particulars which argue it represents a significantly earlier
version. Here is the relevant portion:
The whole time from the Nativity until the
passing of the mother of God he says were accomplished
forty-four years, but of the whole of her life fifty-nine years.
This obtains if in fact it was in her third year she was
presented in the temple and there in the holy of holies passed
eleven years. Then verily by the High Priest was given into the
custody of Joseph with whom she remained four months when she
received the joyful annunciation from the angel Gabriel. But it
was in her fifteenth year on the 25th day of December
that she bore the Light of the World. And when he who was the
eternal and before all ages Word had passed thirty-three years,
her son went forth from the earth. After the cross, however, at
his request, she completed eleven years in the home of John, so
that the whole age of her life being gathered together were
fifty-nine years. Nicephorus Calistus, Ecclesiastical
History 3.2
In the Proevangelium Jacobi, Mary
lives in the sanctuary until she turned twelve when she was
betrothed and placed in the custody of Joseph where she lived
for four years before the annunciation by Gabriel and the
conception of Christ. The reason for Mary leaving the temple
when she does is expressly stated to be prompted by concerns of
preserving the temple’s ritual cleanliness vis-à-vis Mary
reaching puberty and beginning menstruation.[40]
Conversely, in the fragment preserved by
Nicephorus, Mary is fourteen years old when she is
betrothed to Joseph and lives with him only four months
when she receives the annunciation and conceives the Christ
child. Since Mary was capable of conceiving when she was
betrothed, she would necessarily have already experienced
menstruation. But as this would have polluted the temple under
Levitical law (Lev. 15:19-33), the story was evidently rewritten
to lower Mary’s age to twelve at the time of her
betrothal and extend the period until the annunciation from four
months to four years.[41]
Thus, the Protevangelium Jacobi we
now possess appears to be a later version rewritten to avoid the
problem inherent in the version preserved by Nicephorus. If this
is correct, and if the Protevangelium Jacobi we now
possess settled into its present form by AD 170, then the copy
attributed to Evodius necessarily dates earlier than that. More
important for present purposes, in Nicephorus’ edition, the date
of the nativity is expressly stated to be December 25th,
and Jesus is called the Light of the World – a probable
reference to the solstice. Thus, if the version attributed to
Evodius pre-dates the Protevangelium we now possess, then
the Christmas date is attested before AD 170.[42]
This same pattern occurs in a document
known as the Excerpta Latinae Barbari where the December
25th birth of Christ is again embedded within
portions of the Protevangelium Jacobi.
In the same consulship our Lord Jesus Christ was born under
Augustus on the eighth calends of January. He was born in a
desert whose name was Puusdu: that is ‘Pious.’ On the same day
he was born, the shepherds saw the star Chuac 28. Verily from
Adam unto the nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ there were 5500
years.[43]
The Excerpta have been shown
elsewhere to ultimately derive from Julius Africanus’
Chronographia.[44]
Africanus is believed to have written the Chronogrphiae
between AD 212 and 221.[45]
Hippolytus of Rome (AD 170-235), a younger contemporary of
Africanus, is also known to have used the Christmas date and
helps to corroborate this early usage by Africanus.[46]
That the Protevangelium Jacobi was the primary source of
Africanus’ birth narrative after the Gospels is witnessed by his
reference to the martyrdom of Zachariah, father of John the
Baptist, under Herod the Great, the three days mourning that
followed, and the appointment of Simeon as high priest in place
of Zachariah, all of which are taken directly from the
Protevangelium Jacobi.[47]
Since Africanus would have consulted the earliest version of the
Protevangelium Jacobi available for his Chronogrphiae,
he almost certainly made use of an edition similar in date
and provenance as that attributed to Evodius where he also
apparently found the date of December 25th for Jesus’
birth. The Christmas date may have been dropped from later
editions of the Protevangelium Jacobi when the notion
Jesus was born January 6th became more popular,
causing editors to leave this detail out of the story in order
to give it wider reception, implicitly retaining the winter
birth but with no date specified – the form in which we find it
today.
In summary, there is significant evidence for the occurrence of
the Christmas date near the time of the Council of Caesarea.
Within 30 years or so after that Council, we find it in Julius
Africanus and Hippolytus. The source for Africanus’ citation,
which he also apparently shared with Evodius, appears to date
sometime before AD 170, 50 years or so before the Council of
Caesarea. As such, there is no obstacle to receiving reference
to the Christmas date in the Acta Synodi as historically
accurate – at least not on the evidence we possess at present.
The Epistle of Theophilus
Council of
Caesarea Concerning the Pascha
Acta Synodi
SYNODUS CAESARIENSIS
DE PASCHATE[48] |
COUNCIL OF CAESAREA
CONCERNING THE PASCHA |
1. Cum omnes apostoli ex hoc mundo
tranissent, per universum orbem diversa errant ieiunia.
nam omnes Galli unum diem anniversarium VIII Kal. April.
Pascha celebrabant dicentes: Quid nobis est ad lunae
computum cum Judaeis facere Pascha? sed sicut dominio
natalem, quocunque die venerit, VIII Kal. Januarii, ita
et VIII Kal. Aprilis, quando resurrection traditiur
Christi, debemus Pascha tenere. orientales vero, sicut
historia Eusebii Caesariensis narrat, quocunque die
mense Martio quartadecima luna evenisset, Pascha
celebrabant. in Italia autem alii plenos
quadriginta dies ieiunabant, alii triginta: alii
dicebant, septem diebus, in quibus mundus concluditure,
sibi sufficere ieiunare: alii, quia dominus quadriginta
diebus ieiunasset, illi horas quadraginta deberent. cum
haec ergo talis diversa esset observatio, maeror erat
sacerdotum, quod ubi erat una fides, dissonarent
ieiunia. tunc papa Victor Romanae urbis episcopus
direxit, ut daret auctoritatem ad Theophilum
Caesariensem Palaestinae provinciae episcopum, quia tunc
non Hierosolyma metropolis videbatur, ut inde paschalis
ordination provenerit ubi Christus fuisset in corpore
versatus. |
1. When all the apostles had passed
from this world, different fasts roamed through the
whole earth; for all the Gauls kept the Pascha one day
annually, March 25th, saying: “Why should we
keep the Pascha with the Jews according to the
computation of the moon? But as we keep the nativity of
the Lord on whatsoever day December 25th
falls, we also ought to keep the Pascha March 25th,
when according to tradition the resurrection of Christ
occurred.” Indeed, as the history of Eusebius relates,
those in the east celebrate the Pascha on whatsoever day
the fourteenth of the moon occurs in the month of March.
However, in Italy some fast a full forty days, others
thirty; some say seven days in which the world was made
is sufficient for them to fast; others, because the Lord
fasted forty days, suppose they ought to fast forty
hours. Since, therefore, there was such diverse
observation, the clergy lamented that, where there was
one faith, there should be a disparity of fasts. Then
papa Victor, bishop of the city of Rome, directed that
authority be given to Theophilus of Caesarea, bishop of
the province of Palestine (because Jerusalem did not
then seem the metropolis), that a paschal rule might
come whence Christ had dwelt. |
2. Accepta ita que auctoritate
Theophilus episcopus videns tantum sibi opus fuisse
iniunctum quod in mundi obserationem transitteretur, non
solum suae patriae, sed et de vicinis provinciis omnes
episcopos et sapientes viros ad Concilium evocavit.
cumque grandis illa multitude sacerdotum vel sapientium
virorum in omnibus scripturis spiritualibus erudite in
unum fuisset collecta, tunc protulit Theophilus
episcopus auctoritatem ad se directam papae Victoris, et
quid sibi operis esset iniunctam patefecit. tunc pariter
omnes dixerunt: Primum nobis inquirendum est quomodo in
principio mundus fuerit factus: et cum hoc fuerit
diligentius investigatum, tunc poterit ex eo paschalis
ordination salubriter provenire. dixerunt ergo episcopi:
Quem diem primum credimus creatum in mundo?
Responderunt: Dominicum. Theophilus episcopus dixit:
Quomodo potest probari quod primus Dominicus sit dies
factus? responderunt episcopi: Dicente scriptura Et
factum est vespere et factum est mane dies primus. inde
secundus, tertius, quartus, quintus, sextus, et
septimus, in quo requievit ab omnibus operibus suis.
quem diem sabbatum appellavit. cum ergo
novissimus sit sabbatum, quis potest esse primus nisi
dominicus? Dixerunt: Sic est, et aliter non est. |
2. Therefore, having received
authority, seeing the task enjoined upon him alone
should become a regulation to be sent through the world,
bishop Theophilus called to counsel all the bishops and
wise men, not of his country alone, but also from
neighboring provenances. And when a great many clergy
and wise men learned in all spiritual scriptures had
gathered in one, bishop Theophilus then took the
authority papa Victor directed him and made known the
task that he was enjoined. Then they all said together:
“We must first inquire how the world was made in the
beginning: and when this has been diligently
investigated, a paschal rule can wholesomely come
about.” The bishops therefore said: “What day do we
believe was first created in the world?” They answered:
“The Lord’s Day.” Theophilus the bishop said: “How can
you prove that the Lord’s Day was the first day made?”
The bishops answered: “Scripture says ‘And there was an
evening and there was a morning the first day;’ then the
second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh, in
which God rested from all his works; which day he called
the Sabbath. Therefore, since the last was the Sabbath,
what can the first be save the Lord’s Day?” They said:
“So it is, and not otherwise.” |
3. Theophilus episcopus dixit: Ecce
de die dominico quod primus sit, probastis. de tempore
quid vobis videtur? quatuor enim tempora in anno
accipiuntur, ver, aestas, autumnus, et heims. quod ergo
tempus crediumus primum in mundo factum? episcopi
responderunt: Vernum. Theophilus episcopus dixit:
Probate quod dicitis. et illi responderunt: Dicente
scriptura Germinet terra herbam foeni secundum genus
suum, et lignum fructiferum faciens in se fructum: haec
enim verno tempore videmus fieri. |
3. Bishop Theophilus said: “Behold,
you have proved that the Lord’s Day was the first. What
does it seem to you regarding the season; for there are
four seasons in a year: spring, summer, autumn, and
winter; what season therefore do we believe was made
first in the world?” The bishops answered “Spring.”
Bishop Theophilus said: “Prove what you say.” And
they responded: “Scripture says ‘the earth brought forth
the herb of grass according to his kind, and the tree
yielding fruit whose seed was in itself’: for this we
see come to pass in springtime.” |
4. Theophilus episcopus dixit:
Vernum est. et adjecit: quoniam tribus mensibus vernum
tempus accipitur, quo loco mundi caput esse crediumus,
in principio, an medio loc, an in fine? Episcopi
dixerunt: In aequinoctio, id est, VIII Kal. Aprilis.
Theophilus dixit: Probate quod dicitis. Et illi
responderunt: Dicente scriptura Et fecit deus lucem, et
lucem vocavit diem, et fecit deum tenebras, et tenebras
vocavit noctem: et divisit deus inter lucem et tenebras
aequas partes. |
4. Theophilus the Bishop said:
“True it is,” and added: “Since springtime has three
months, when do we believe the world started, the
beginning, the middle, or the end?” The bishops
answered: “At the equinox, that is March 25th.”
Theophilus said: “Prove what you say.” And they
answered: “Scripture has said “And God made light, and
he called the light ‘day’ and God made darkness, the
darkness he called ‘night’: and God divided equal parts
between the light and the darkness.’” |
5. Theophilus dixit: Est verum.
Ecce de die vel tempore probastis: de luna quid vobis
videtur? quomodo dicimus fuisse creatam a principio,
plenam, an minuentem? episcopi resonderunt: Plenam. at
ille dixit: Probate quod dicitis. episcopi responderunt:
Scriptura divina dicente Et fecit Deus duo luminaria
magna, et posuit ea in firmament caeli, sic ut luceant
super terram. luninare maius incohationem diei, et
luminare minus incohationem noctis, quae tota nocte
luceat super terram, non potuit esse aliter nisi plena. |
5. And Theophilus said: “It is
true. Behold, you have proved regarding the day and
season: what does it seem to you regarding the moon, how
do we say was it was created in the beginning, full or
waxing?” The bishops answered: “Full.” And he said:
“Prove what you say.” The bishops responded, “The divine
scriptures have said ‘And God made two great lights, and
placed them in the firmament of the heaven, so that they
should give light upon the earth; the greater to give
light the duration of the day, the lesser to give light
the duration of the night’, which could not give light
upon the earth the whole night, unless it were full.” |
6. Theophilus dixit: Sic est verum.
ergo quomodo fuisset creatus mundus, inveniamus.
reponderunt: Die dominioco, verno tempore, aequinoctio,
hoc est, VIII Kal. Aprilis, et luna plena. episcopi
dixerunt: Sicut in principio mundus creates est, per
ipsum tempus etiam per resurrectionem dominicam
redemptus est a peccato. resurrexit itaque dominus
noster Iesus Christus die dominico, verno tempore, in
aequinoctio, luna plena. per ipsum tantummodo tempus
elementa consurgunt |
6. Theophilus said: “Such is true.
Therefore, in what manner should we find the world was
made?” They responded: “On the Lord’s Day, in
springtime, at the equinox, that is, March 25, and the
full moon.” The bishops said: “Just as in the beginning
the world was created, at exactly the very time itself,
even by the Lord’s resurrection, was it redeemed from
sin: Therefore, our Lord Jesus Christ rose again on the
Lord’s Day, in springtime, at the equinox, on the full
moon. At the very time itself the elements arose.” |
7. Theophilus dixit: Ecce
investigavimus quomodo in principio factus est mundus,
vel a peccato redemptus: nunc de observatione Paschae
agendum est, quo die, aut quo tempore, vel luna, Pascha
debeat ordinari. De die dominico quid vobis videter?
episcopi dixerunt: Numquid potest Dominicus dies
paeteriri ut in eo Pascha minime celebretur, qui tot ac
talibus bendictionibus sanctificatus est? Theophilus
episcopus dixit: Quibus aut quantis benedictioinibus,
apertius dicite, ut scire possimus quas santificationes
in eo asseritis, ut scribere possimus. |
7. Theophilus said: “Behold, we
have examined how the world was made in the beginning,
and how it was redeemed from sin. Now must be addressed
regarding celebration of the Pascha the day, time, and
whether the Pasch ought to be ordered by the moon? What
does it seem to you regarding the Lord’s Day?” The
bishops answered: “What can surpass the Lord’s Day, that
on it the Pascha should not be celebrated, which is
sanctified by so many kinds of blessings?” Bishop
Theophilus said: “Declare plainly the type and number of
blessings, so we may know those sanctifications and may
write them. |
8. episcopi dixerunt: Prima illa
benediction est, quod in ipso tenebrae remotae sunt, et
lux apparuit. secunda, quod populus Israel ex Aeqypto
tenebrarum velut per baptismum fontis per mare rubrum de
duro servitio fuerit liberatus.
tertia, quia mandate Moyses ad populum et dicit
Observatus sit vobis dies primus et novissimus, hoc est,
dominicus et sabbatum. quarta, quia centesimus decimus
septimus psalmus totus de passione et resurrection
cantatur. De passione: Circumdantes circumdederunt me,
et in nomine domini vindicabor in eis. circumdederunt me
sicut apes favum, et exarserunt sicut ignis in spinis.
et interiectis versibus: Lapidem quem reprobaverunt
aedificantes, hic factus est in caput anguli. Haec de
passione. de resurrectione autem dicit: Haec dies quam
fecit dominus, exultemus et laetemur in ea. et
interiectis versibus: Constituite diem solemnem in
donensis
frenquentantibus in cornu altaris. dixerunt sic esse
verum ut die dominico Pascha celebretur, quia et tantis
benedictionibus santificatus est, ut in eo die dominum
nostrum Iesus Christum a mortuis manifestum sit
resurrexisse. |
8. The bishops said: “First, that
day is blessed because in it darkness was removed, and
light appeared. Second, because the people of Israel
were freed from hard service out of Egyptian darkness
through the Red Sea as if by the baptismal font. Third,
because Moses commanded the people and said, ‘You shall
observe the first day and last’, that is, the Lord’s day
and the Sabbath. Fourth, because the whole one hundred
seventeenth Psalm [viz., 118th] sings about
the passion and resurrection. Concerning the passion:
‘Compassing they compassed me, but in the name of the
Lord I will be avenged on them. They compassed me about
like bees the honeycomb; but they are burned as a fire
in thorns’ and in the verses following: ‘The stone that
the builders refused is become the head of the corner.’
This concerning the passion. Concerning the
resurrection, however, he says: ‘This is the day that
the Lord has made, we will rejoice and be glad in it.’
In the verses following: ‘Establish the solemn day with
numerous sacrifices on the horns of the altar.’” They
said “Thus, it is just that the Pascha be celebrated on
the Lord’s Day, because with such great blessings it was
sanctified, namely that in it our Lord Jesus Christ was
shown to have been raised from the dead.” |
9 Theophilus dixit: Ecce
constitutum est de die dominico: de tempore quid vobis
videtur? Responderunt: Numquid aliter itellegi potest
nisi quod in divina scripura praefinitum est, dicente
per Moysen Hic mensis erit vobis initium mensium, Pascha
facitote in eo? Non dixit in prima die mensis, aut
decima, aut vicesima, sed totos triginta in Pascha
sanctificavit. Theophilus dixit: Qui sunt hi triginta
dies? At illi responderunt: Iam autem diximus principium
mundi esse aequinoctium: ab octavo enim Kal. Aprilis
usque ad octavam Kal. Maii, hi sunt triginta dies in
Pascha sanctificati. |
9 Theophilus said: “Behold,
regarding the Lord’s Day is settled: what does it seem
to you regarding the time?” They answered: “What can
otherwise be understood except what the divine
scriptures before appointed, when they said by Moses
‘This month will be to you the beginning of months, keep
the Pascha in it?’ He did not say on the first day of
the month, or the tenth, or twentieth, but the whole
thirty he has sanctified in the Pascha.” Theophilus
said: “What are those thirty days?” And they answered:
“We have already said the beginning of the world was the
equinox: from March 25th until April 24th,
these thirty days are sanctified in the Pascha. |
10 Theophilus episcopus dixit: Et
impium non est ut illi tres dies passionis dominicae
foras terminum excludantur, id est XI. Kal. Aprilis,
quinta feria, quod caena Domini vocatur, qua cum
discipulis suis discubuit, quando et Judae praedixit
quod ab ispso esset tradendus? quod constat fuisse
impletum. passus namque est dominus ab undecimo Kalendas
Aprilis, qua nocte a Juda est traditus, et ad octavum
Kalendas Aprilis resurrexit. quomodo ergo hi tres dies
extra terminum excludantur?
dixerunt omnes non esse verum ut foras limitem
passio mittatur, sed introducantur hi tres dies in
ordine paschali, et de novissiomo reducantur. Et ita
statutum est in illo concilio ut nec ante XI. Kal.
Aprilis neque post XI. Kal. Maii fieri debeat Pascha. |
10 Bishop Theophilus said: “Is it
not impious that three days of the Lord’s passion be
excluded from the limit, that is March 22th,
Thursday, which is called the Lord’s Supper, when he
reclined with his disciples, and foretold that he would
be betrayed by Judas? As to which it is well-known to
have been fulfilled: For the Lord suffered from March 22nd,
the night in which he was betrayed by Judas, and on
March 25th he rose again. Therefore, how are
these three days excluded from the limit? They all said
it is not reasonable that the passion be placed outside
the limit, but those three days should be added to the
Paschal rule and subtracted from the last. And so it was
decreed in that council that neither before March 22nd
nor after April 21st ought the Pascha to be observed. |
11 Theophilus dixit: Ecce de die
vel tempore statutum est: de luna quid vobis videtur?
responderunt: Similiter et de luna praeceptum divinum
servetur, decente Moyse Et sit vobis observation a
quarta decima usque primam et vicesimam lunam. has octo
lunas in Pascha fuisse consecratur. Quando ergo intra
illum terminum statutum dies Dominicus et luna una ex
his octo convenerit, Pascha nobis iussum est celebrare |
11 Theophilus said: “Behold, the
day and time are established: what does it seem to you
regarding the moon?” They answered: “Divine precept
about the moon should likewise also be kept, when Moses
said, ‘and you shall observe from the fourteenth unto
the twenty-first of the moon.’ These eight moons he
consecrated to be in the Pascha. When therefore the
Lord’s Day and one moon of these eight occur within the
established limit, we are commanded to keep the Pascha. |
[1]
Bede gives this following account for the term “Easter”:”Eosturmonath
has a name which is now translated “Paschal month”, and
which was once called after a goddess of theirs named
Eostre, in whose honour feasts were celebrated in that
month. Now they designate that Paschal season by her
name, calling the joys of the new rite by the time
honoured name of the old observance.” Bede, De
temporum ratione 15 (Faith Wallis translation).
[2]
Dáibhí Ó Cróinín, “Archbishop James Ussher (1581-1656)
and the History of the Easter Controversy,” Studia
Traditionis Tehologiae, Explorations in Early and
Medieval Theology, 26, Late Antique Calendrical
Thought and its Reception in the Early Middle Ages,
Proceedings of the 3rd International
Conference on the Science of Computus in Ireland and
Europe, Galway, 16-18 July, 2010, editors Immo Warntjes
& Dáibhí Ó Cróinín, (2017, Bepols) 308-351, at 318.
[3] “Theophilus, who
lived about the time of the emperors Commodus and
Severus, made first mention of it that I know for
certain.” Rudoloph Hospinian, De Festis
Christianorum Tractus (Geneva, 1674), 168.
[4] Bruno Krusch,
Studien zur christlich-mittelalterlichen Chronologie
(Leipzig, 1880), 303-310; Bartholomew MacCarthy,
Annals of Ulster (Dublin,
1901), Vol. IV,
pg. cxv. Eusebius’ account of the history of the Paschal
controversy is found at Eccl. Hist. 5.23-25.
[5] Bede, The
Reckoning of Time, 47. Eusebius’ account of the
history of the Paschal controversy is found at Eccl.
Hist. 5.23-25.
[6] See generally,
Alden A. Mosshammer, The Easter Computus and the
Origins of the Christian Era (2008, Oxford).
[7]
Luke says Jesus was on the threshold of his thirtieth
birthday when baptized in the autumn of AD 29; this
would place his birth in 2 BC (Luke 3:23). The church
fathers were all but unanimous that Jesus was born the
42nd year of Augustus Caesar (e.g., 2
BC) based upon Luke. Those that give a different year
for the nativity do so because of the way they reckoned
the reign of Augustus, not because they believed
Jesus was born in a different Julian year. For example,
Tertullian (Contra Judaeos 7.8) and Clement
Alexandria (Stomata 2.1.21) place Christ’s birth
in the 41st year of Augustus when he had been
reigning 28 years from the deaths of Antony and
Cleopatra. Antony and Cleopatra died 30 BC. 28 years
from 30 BC is 2 BC. This may be compared with their
regnal dates for Augustus. If dated from the death of
Julius Caesar in 44 BC, the 41st year of
Augustus would be 3 BC - a contradiction. But if dated
from the Second Triumvirate, formed November 27, 43 BC,
by enactment of the Lex Titia, this would point
to 2 BC. Contradiction resolved. Identical results
obtain in Irenaeus, Africanus, Hippolytus, Origen,
Eusebius, and Epiphanius. The notion that Christ was
born between 4-6 BC is a modern error that did not
attain academic standing until publication of Emil
Schürer’s A History of the Jewish People in the Time
of Jesus Christ, 5 vols. (New York: Scribner’s,
1896); reprint, revised G. Vermes and F. Millar, eds. 3
vols. in 4; Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark, 1973-1987) 1.281
n. 3; 1.2 84 n. 11; 1.327, n. 1. Schürer proposed that
Herod the Great died in 4 BC. However, this has been all
but refuted by recent scholarship:
W. E. Filmer,
The Chronology of
the Reign of Herod the Great, JTS 17 (1966),
283–298; Earnest L. Martin,
The Nativity and
Herod’s Death,
Chronos, Kairos,
Christos: Nativity and Chronological Studies Presented
to Jack Finegan (Eisenbrauns, 1989), 85–92;
idem, The Star
that Astonished the World (2nd ed.; Portland: ASK
Publications, 1996), 119–155; Jack Finegan,
Handbook of
Biblical Chronology, 298-301; Andrew E. Steinmann,
When Did Herod
the Great Reign?, Novum Testamentum 51 (2009), 1–29.
The present trend of scholarship is to place Herod’s
death in 1 BC, consistent with Luke.
[8] Twelve lunar
cycles are completed in 354 days, eleven days shorter
than the solar year. To bring the two back into sync, an
extra month of thirty days (“Adar II”) was added seven
times in nineteen years. Dec. 25, 2 BC, +365-11+30 =
Jan. 13, 1 BC.
[9] The Julian
calendar was initiated in 45 BC and had a leap year
every third year thereafter until AD 12 when the
calendar was reformed by Augustus to intercalate a leap
year every four years. By that rubric, AD 1 was a leap
year in the Julian calendar, making that year one day
longer, so that twelve days, rather than eleven, come
between lunar and solar calendars (366-354=12). This
accounts for Tevet 28 corresponding to Jan.1, AD 2,
whereas otherwise it would be Jan. 2.
[10]
https://www.rosettacalendar.com/ accessed April 4,
2023.
[11] The difference,
of course, is that the first day of the week has a
special significance within the New Testament as the day
of Christ’s resurrection. From the start, it was the day
of the common assembly of believers and the weekly
observance of the Lord’s Supper (Acts 20:7; I Cor.
11:17-34; 16:1, 2). Because a fixed date in the solar
calendar might fall on any day of the week, annual
observance of the Pascha based on a solar
calendar was thought to conflict with the special
significance attached to Sunday and the resurrection. So
Eusebius: “the mystery of the Lord’s resurrection from
the dead should never be celebrated on any other day but
Sunday, and that on this day only we should observe the
end of the paschal fasts” (Ecclesiastical History,
V. 23.2). Nevertheless, liturgical writers tend to agree
that the Quartodeciman Pascha was the original
observation and that transference of the feast to Sunday
came only later. Thomas J. Talley, “Liturgical Time in
the Ancient Church: The State of Research” in Between
Memory and Hope: Readings for the Liturgical Year,
Maxwell E. Johnson editor (Liturgical Press, 2000), 26.
[12]
The short chronology is first encountered in Clement
Alexandria (AD 153-217) among Christian writers: “And
that it was necessary for Him to preach only a year,
this also is written: ‘He hath sent Me to proclaim the
acceptable year of the Lord’” (Stromata, 1.21).
Cf. Isa. 61:2, Luke 4:19. However, it is
documented a little before this by Irenaeus (AD 120-202)
who refutes a similar tradition among the heretics:
“They, however, that they may establish their false
opinion regarding that which is written, ‘to proclaim
the acceptable year of the Lord,’ maintain that He
preached for one year only, and then suffered in the
twelfth month” (Contra Haereses, 22:5). The
synoptic Gospels pass over the first year-and-a-half to
two years of Jesus’ ministry, and focus on Jesus’
Galilean ministry following the arrest of John instead
(Mark 1:14; cf. Matt. 11:2). One explanation may
be that the synoptic Gospels derive from a common
original compiled by one of the apostles who chronicled
Jesus’ ministry, perhaps Matthew who joined the twelve
late in Jesus’ ministry (Matt. 9:9; cf. Mark
2:14; Luke 5:27) and whose notes would therefore have
been largely confined to its last couple years. John’s
Gospel supplies the first part of Jesus’ ministry before
the Baptist’s arrest.
[13] The tropical or
solar year is 365 days 5 hours 48 minutes 46 seconds.
The Julian year was set at exactly 365 days six hours, a
difference of 11 minutes 14 seconds, or about one day
every 128 years. Because the Julian year was longer than
the solar year, the astronomical quarter points of the
year occurred earlier and earlier than their calendar
dates until whole days separated them.
By the time of the Council of Nicaea in AD 325, the
vernal equinox occurred four days early, on March 21st,
which became the fixed dated thereafter for earliest
limit of Easter. By the time the Gregorian calendar was
adopted in AD 1582, ten days had accumulated between
them. Ten days were therefore removed from the calendar
the year of its adoption to return the equinox to March
21st. Reluctant to follow Catholic lead in
this correction, Protestant England postponed adoption
of the Gregorian calendar until 1752, requiring eleven
days be removed from the calendar that year to return
the equinox to March 21st. See generally,
Denis Feeney, Caesar’s Calendar: Ancient Time and the
Beginnings of History (2007, University of
California Press), 150.
[14] Three Passovers
are expressly mentioned at John 2:13, 23 (AD 30); 6:4
(AD 32); 13:1 (AD 33); the fourth (AD 31) occurred after
John 4 but before John 5.
[15] Eusebius,
Eccl. Hist. 1.10.
[16]
There is much that makes it look like the triad first
found expression with Julius Africanus (AD 160-240):
Kurt Simmons, “Revisiting the Fathers: An
Examination of the Christmas Date in Several Early
Patristic Writers,” 98 Questions Liturgiques
(2017) 143-180. Tertullian placed the Passion on March
25;
Adversus Judaeos
8:18.
[17] Thomas C.
Schmidt, “Calculating December 25 as the Birth of Jesus
in Hippolytus’ Canon and Chronicon,” Vigiliae
Christianae 69 (2015) 542-563.
[18] Ephrem Syrus,
Hymn IV on the Nativity of Christ: “Moses shut up a
lamb in the month Nisan on the tenth day; a type this of
the Son that came into the womb and shut Himself up
therein on the tenth day. He came forth from the womb in
this month in which the sun gives longer light.” Cf.
Ephrem’s comments on Ex 12:3: “The Lamb is a type of our
Lord, who on the tenth of Nisan entered into the womb;
for from the tenth day of the seventh month when Zachary
received the message of John's birth, even to the tenth
day of the first month when Mary received the message
from the Angel, are six months."
[19]
https://www.rosettacalendar.com/ accessed April 4,
2023.
[20]
It appears that December 25th entered the
church before March 25th. The earliest
reference to March 25 occurs here connected with the
Gauls where it appears in tandem with December 25th;
March 25th also was used by Tertullian as the date of
the crucifixion about this same time (Adversus
Judaeos 8:18). December 25th, however,
probably occurs sometime before AD 170 in early versions
of the Protevangelium Jacobi, probably borrowed
from an already existing tradition within the church
similar to January 6th and Epiphany (see
below).
[21] The feast of the
Annunciation is celebrated March 25th and the
Birth of John the Baptist June 24 at the summer equinox
in the Catholic Church. The quintessential attempt to
force the conception and births of John and Christ into
perfect conformity with the astronomical points of the
year is anonymous tract De Solstitiis et Aequinoctiis
conceptionis et nativitatis Domini nostri Jesu Christi
et Johannis Baptistae, at one time misattributed to
John Chrysostom.
[22] Roland H.
Bainton, “Basilidian Chronology and New Testament
Interpretation”, Journal of Biblical Literature
Vol. 42, No. ½ (1923), pp. 81-134, 115-116.
[23]
Eusebius,
Ecclesiastical History,
5.23 – 25; cf.
Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 5.22.
[24] See Bainton,
Basilidian Chronology, 115-116.
[25]
In fact, the first entry is for VI kal. Ianuarias (Dec.
27th), but the consensus of scholarship is
that the ecclesiastical year began Dec. 25th
as evidenced by the birth of Christ in the section
following. See R. W. Burgess, “The Chronograph of 354:
Its Manuscripts, Contents, and History” in Journal of
Late Antiquity 5.2 (Fall, 2013) 345-396.
[26]
The anomaly that a list denoting the date of martyrs’
deaths should be headed up by the birth of Christ is
generally explained by the view of early Christians that
the date of one’s earthly demise was equal to one’s
birth to heavenly life.
[27]
Burgess, The Chronograph of 354, p. 379.
[28]
Steven Hijmans, “Sol
Invictus, the Winter Solstice, and the Origins of
Christmas,” in Mouseion Series III, Vol. 3,
(2003), 377-398;
C. Ph. E. Nothaft, ‘The Origins of the Christmas Date:
Some Recent Trends in Historical Research,’
Church History
81 (2012), 903-11; S. K. Roll,
Toward the Origins of Christmas,
Liturgia Condenda 5 (Kampen, 1995); Roll, ‘The Debate on
the Origins of Christmas,’ 1-16; S.K. Roll, “The Origins
of Christmas: The State of the Question” in Between
Memory and Hope: Readings on the Liturgical Year
(Liturgical Press, 2000), 273:290.
[29]
Steven Hijmans, “Usener’s Christmas: A contribution to
the modern construct of late antique solar syncretism,”
in Hermann Usener
und die Metamorphosen der Philologie, eds. Michel
Espagne and Pascale Rabault-Feuerhahn (Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz, 2011), 147, 148.
[30]
Aug. 28 - SOLIS·ET·LVNAE·CM·XXIIII; Oct. 19 -
LVDI·SOLIS, Oct. 20 – LVDI / DIES·AEGYPTIACVS, Oct. 21 –
LVDI, Oct. 22 - SOLIS·CM·XXXVI; Dec. 25 -
N·INVICTI·CM·XXX
[31]
Steven Hijmans, ibid,
145. The passages in order are:
1. “Come
then, and let us celebrate in the best way we can the
anniversary festival, which the imperial city is keeping
by sacrifices, with unusual splendour.”
2.
“If after this I were to mention that we worship
Mithras, and celebrate quadrennial games, I should
be speaking of more recent institutions; it is better
therefore to confine myself to those of more ancient
date in what I am going to add … But our ancestors, from
the time of that most religious King Numa, paying
special honour to the god in question…settled to hold
the New Year's festival in the present season, at what
time the Sun returns to us.”
3. “They did not fix the festival upon the actual day
when the Sun makes the turn [but on the day]
when it is apparent to all that he is making his
progress from the South towards the North. For not yet
known to them was the subtlety of those rules which the
Chaldaeans and Egyptians invented, but which Hipparchus
and Ptolemy brought to perfection; but they trusted to
their senses, and followed the guidance of natural
phenomena. And in this way, as I have said, the matter
was discovered to be of such a nature by those who came
after them. Immediately after the last month, which is
Saturn's, and previous to the festival in question, we
celebrate the most solemn of our Games, dedicating it to
the honour of the ‘Invincible Sun.’” (The Loeb
translation is awkward and obscure; I have chosen the
translation by C.W. King in Bohn’s Classical Library
(London, 1888) as better elucidating the points brought
out by Hijmans.)
[32]
December 25th occurred after the solstice
because by AD 362 when Julian the Apostate composed his
oration to Sol an error in the Julian calendar caused it
to lag behind the astronomical event by four days. The
same phenomenon was noted by the Council of Nicaea in AD
325 relative to the vernal equinox.
[33]
Hijmans, ibid, 144.
[34]
“Julian’s
contention that the winter solstice festival was
instituted by Numa is a fabrication and his convoluted
explanation of the date is impossible. The chronology of
the feasts of Christmas and the Natalis Invicti may
present a motive for Julian’s fabrication. By placing
Christ’s birthday on such a cosmologically significant
day the Christians undermined through appropriation one
of the main philosophical justifications of paganism,
namely the divine order of the cosmos and the divine
nature of its bodies. We cannot pursue this issue here,
but one can speculate that the supposedly ancient
festival of Sol was “rediscovered” by pagan authorities
in response to the appropriation of the winter solstice
by Christianity. We could then surmise that Julian more
or less faithfully repeats the fabricated ‘proof’ that
they presented to support this ‘rediscovery’” (Hijmans,
ibid, 350).
[35]
Ibid, 348. See also Steven Hijmans, “Sol Invictus, the
Winter Solstice, and the Origins of Christmas” in
Mouseion, Series III, Vol. 3 (2003), 377-398.
[36]
George Themelis Zervos, “The Protevangelium of James:
Critical Questions of the Text and Full Collations of
the Greek Manuscripts,” in Jewish and Christian Texts
in Context and Related Studies, T&T Clark Vol. 18
(Bloomsbury, 2022) 2.11; Ron Cameron, “The
Protevangelium of James” in The Other Gospels:
Non-Canonical Gospel Texts (The Westminster Press,
1982), 108.
[37] See, for
example, John Chrysostom, On the Day of the Birth of
Our Savior Jesus Christ, Christmas Sermon of 386.
[38] Elizabeth was in
her sixth month when Mary received the annunciation
(Luke 1:24, 25, 36). Cf. Ephrem Syrus Commentary
on Ex 12:3: "The Lamb is a type of our Lord, who on the
tenth of Nisan entered into the womb; for from the tenth
day of the seventh month when Zachary received the
message of John's birth, even to the tenth day of the
first month when Mary received the message from the
Angel, are six months."
[39] We should point
out that various indicia in the Gospels tend to confirm
this tradition, for if Jesus was baptized in the autumn
just prior to his 30th birthday (Luke 3:23),
and if he began his public teaching ministry and made
his first disciples after returning to John at Bethabara
(John 1:26-51), followed by his first miracle at Canna
January 6th marked by Epiphany (John 2:1-11),
then his 30th birthday would have occurred
sometime between late fall and early winter.
[40] “And when she
was twelve years old there was held a council of the
priests, saying: Behold, Mary has reached the age of
twelve years in the temple of the Lord. What then shall
we do with her, lest perchance she defile the sanctuary
of the Lord?” Protevangelium Jacobi 8.2. However,
since a prepubescent girl cannot pollute the temple, the
passage is better understood as explanation why Mary’s
age was reduced from fourteen than why she was allegedly
betrothed at twelve. In Luke’s Gospel, Mary travels from
Galilee to Judea alone to visit Elizabeth which a girl
of 14 or 16 would never do (Luke 1:39-56).
[41] Fourteen is the
age preserved the apocryphal Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew
and the Gospel of the Nativity of Mary. In the
History of Joseph the Carpenter, Mary is twelve when
she is betrothed, but fourteen when she conceives. Only
the Protevangelium Jacobi expressly mentions Mary
defiling the temple due to her becoming of marriageable
age as the reason for seeking her betrothal.
[42] For a full
discussion, see Kurt Simmons, “Revisiting the Fathers:
An Examination of the Christmas Date in Several Early
Patristic Writers,” 98 Questions Liturgiques
(2017) 143-180.
[43] Translated from:
Joseph Justus Scaliger,
Thesaurus
Temporum Eusebii Pamphili Caesareae Palaestinae Episcopi
(Lugdunum Batavorum [Leiden], 1606), 2nd
pagination, pp. 67-8 (= 1681, 82). Cf. Alfred
Schoene, Eusebi chronicorum liber prior, 2 vols.,
(Berlin 1875-76), Vol. 1, Appendix p. 227 [50a].
[44] Simmons,
“Revisiting the Fathers,” 143-180.
[45] Heinrich Gelzer,
Sextus Julius Africanus (Leipzig, G.G. Teubner,
1880-98), 12.
[46] Thomas C.
Schmidt, “Calculating December 25 as the Birth of Jesus
in Hippolytus’ Canon and Chronicon,” Vigiliae
Christianae 69 (2015) 542-563; Thomas C. Schmidt,
Nick Nicholas, Hippolytus of Rome: Commentary on
Daniel and ‘Chronicon’ (2017, Gorgias Press).
[47] In the
Protevangelium Jacobi, Zechariah, the son of
Berachiah, who was slain between the temple and the
altar (Matt. 23:35), is equated with Zachariah, the
father of John the Baptist, rather than the Old
Testament prophet by that name (Zech 1:1; cf.
13:7 where the prophet’s martyrdom pre-figures that of
Christ (Matt. 26:31) and is the probable reference
alluded to by the Lord). Simeon is the gentle soul
introduced by Luke at the presentation of the Christ
child at the temple forty days after his birth (Luke
2:25-33). The author of the Protevangelium makes
Simeon the successor of Zachariah as high priest after
the latter’s alleged martyrdom.
[48]
The Latin text is Paul de Lagarde,
Mittheilungen (1889), vol. 4, 274-282; See also S.
Isidori Hipalensis Episcopi Opera Omnia, Bk. III,
pg. 515; The paragraphing and numbering are mine - KMS.
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